Thucydides and international relations

Thucydides and international relationsThucydides is seen by some scholars as the first writer in the realist tradition as well as the origination father of external Relations.1 There argon contrasting interpretations of the History of the Peloponnesian War as Thucydides rarely gives his opinion about the events described and the portions actions. This essay leave adopt the realist interpretation of Thucydides and argue that he is still relevant today due to the prevalence of tending, self interest and power politics in todays universe. It leave use competing interpretations of his work to show that, even though there are important differences between his world and todays world, his insights into human nature are relevant and are one of the best sources to learn from history.2Thucydides work is valuable as it investigates the causes and dynamics of warfare. He recites What made war inevitable was the growth of Athenian power and the upkeep which this caused in Sparta. 3 Accor ding to Lebow, power inflection theories are based on the premise that hegemons are unwilling to relinquish their status to upcoming powers.4 Power transition theories investigate how a shift in an actors power in the system affects other actors. Theorists stress the critical importance of changes in the relative power of states as these changes produce idolise and result in the security dilemma. indeed the system becomes increasingly unstable and small events can precipitate a major fight. 5 Sparta was appalled that a shift in the end of power would be to the detriment of its national security and and then according to power transition theory it snarl aggression was necessary to address the imbalance. A theme that dominates Thucydides narrative is how fear in conjunction with honour and interest result in a state taking action in the hope of safeguarding its national security and independence.6 The Peloponnesian war was the product of two developments. The first was the une ven and unprecedented growth of Athens. The payoff of the Megarian Decree was another provocative action. Athens believed that the integrity of their empire was at stake due to their fear of a revolt of their colonies. Athenss use of economic sanctions aimed to drive out Megara from its alliance with Sparta posing a direct threat to Spartan and Corinthian security.7 The Corinthians warned their Spartan allies that unless they asserted themselves against the Athenians, they (the Corinthians) would form a new alliance consequently harming Spartan security. Thus Sparta delivered the ultimatum exclaiming for the revocation of the Megarian decree. Rejection of the ultimatum was the immediate cause of the war. Thus the security dilemma can be said to have drove the hegemons into a war that n each desired.8 A modern example of this theory is the change in American comprehension of Soviet power after the first Soviet ICBM launch. The so called missile gap resulted in US insecurity as t he Kennedy administration believed Khruschchev was behaving aggressively in Berlin because he felt the power balance was faulting in his favour. Concern to maintain US power led Kennedy to increase the US strategic buildup.9 However Kauppi states that there are intervening variables preventing the shifting balance of power leading to war in the cold war world. He cites modern examples of the restraining effect of nuclear weapons, and the existence of neutrals as having a alter influence by not entrapping the superpowers in a zero sum game. He in addition cites the role of ideology as convincing both superpowers that they could march on without war. 10 Thus while power transition theory and the resultant fear explain the pressure imposed on states, other factors can prevent fear from resulting in war. Lebow contests the basis of power transition theory by pointing out that Athens reached the zenith of its power 20 years before the outbreak of war, he adds that it is the perceptio n of power that is vital to power transition theory and war. The effect of middle powers like Corinth is another factor to consider. 11 epoch there was no direct conflict between the superpowers in the cold war, the massive defence budgets and development of weapons of mass destruction shows that both superpowers were using fear to deter their enemy and acting on fear by arming themselves.Another central feature of Thucydides thought is that of self interest. According to Gilpin, Thucydides believed that human nature was unchanging and since human beings were driven by interest, pride and fear, they always explore to increase their wealth until others driven by like passions, try to stop them.12 In the Melian dialogue the Athenians say Our opinion of the gods and our acquaintance of men lead us to conclude that it is a general and necessary law of nature to rule wherever one can. 13 The Athenians state that maintaining their empire is their nevertheless concern and they try to c onvince the Melians that it is in their interest to surrender. They ask the Melians to fire the matter of umpire and claim that it is not in Spartas interest to intervene on their behalf.14 The Melian dialogue shows the primacy of self interest not only as a practical course of action but as a law of nature. A modern example of self interest is the statist concept the national interest- seen in the Mytilenian debate. Even though Cleon and Diodotus have different thoughts of the way forward they both seek to deal with the situation to Athenss benefit. For Diodotus, considerations of justice are inapplicable to interstate relations. 15 A modern example of the national interest at work is the October, 2006 United States precept on space. The United States will preserve its rights, capabilities, and freedom of action in space and deny, if necessary, adversaries the use of space capabilities hostile to US national interests. 16 In todays world while the national interest is seen as a guiding principle it need not always be action by a mend state. States may cooperate to ensure the common good. In an increasingly globalised world states must consider and temper their exercise of national interest. The development of international law, oddly humanitarian law, shows that there are norms of non intervention and human rights that states are obliged to follow. Condemnation from the international community in case of their violation would not be in a states national interest. Thus while the national interest is a key component of state decision making, today, the experience of two world wars and the prevalence of liberal ideas mean that the national interest is still important but not the sole reason for state behaviour.Self interest and fear result in power politics. The Athenians say ones ability to engage in power politics depends on strength. The standard of justice, depends on the equality of power to stimulate and that, in fact, the strong do what they have t he power to do and the weak accept what they have to accept.17 Thus ones ability to enforce ones demands depends on relative power. The summon above from the Melian dialogue shows Athens warning Melos to submit as they are too weak to resist. Since there is anarchy in relations among states, the order that exists is created and keep up by the powerful that impose their power within their sphere of influence. States, like individuals, are motivated by fear and self interest and appeal to justice only when their interest is served. The natural right of the stronger to rule over the weaker is a rather simplistic explanation and justification of imperialism. 18 A modern example of this is the ultimatum disposed by the US warning countries that they were either with us or against us. This can be seen as a threat to compel unity in the war on terror. Thucydides adds that an actors power determines his treatment thus showing the essential nature of the balance of power in international relations. This is the safe rule to stand up to ones equals, to behave with deference towards ones superiors and to treat ones inferiors with moderation. 19 A quote from US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice about nations that didnt support the war on Iraq illustrates this Punish France, ignore Germany and forgive Russia.20 For Thucydides it is a law of nature that the weak become subject to the strong and when the opportunity of aggrandisement is offered by superior strength considerations of right and wrong are sacrificed to self interest. 21 Welch adds that while Thucydides does not deny the notion of universal justice he simply acknowledges that for better or worse it has no constrictive force in a system composed of states unequal in power.22 However Bagby argues that not all states choose to maximise power. He cites the example of Sparta and how the Corinthians call them timid and weak in contrast to Athens. King Archidamus of Sparta confirms these national differences whe n he asks fellow Spartans to be not ashamed of the slowness and dilatoriness for which they censure us most.23 According to Doyle, the political ideologies of both Athens and Sparta, and the different sectors of society they appealed to, were an important component of their conflict. He picks up on Thucydides emphasis on the national character of Athens, both in its restless culture and its democratic institutions, as well as the character of Sparta, with its slow and cautious character and the conservation of its oligarchic institutions.24 Thus the goal to maximize power can be seen as a powerful motivator but domestic influences and domestic character are also important.In conclusion, Thucydides was among the first to set out three basic assumption of classical political realism states are the key units of action, they seek power either as an end in itself or as a means to other ends and they behave in ways that are by and large rational. 25 While Thucydides has been interpreted i n various ways, his ideas about human nature fear, self interest and power maximisation are enduring. They explain the pressures acting on states in todays world pushing them to make decisions. While there are many differences between today and his time, Thucydides effectively explains the psychological and social tendencies in strategy and is thus still relevant today.Bibliography supranational Relations in governmental Thought texts from the ancient Greeks to the First universe War, Brown, C, Nardin, T and Rengger N, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2002.The Use and Abuse of Thucydides, Bagby, L, internationalist Organization, 48, 1, Winter.Political Theories of International Relations, Boucher, D, Oxford, Oxford University Press.Ways of War and Peace, Doyle, M, in the buff York, Norton, 1997.Hegemonic Rivalry, R N Lebow, B Strauss (eds), Boulder, CO Westview Press, 1991.why International Relations theorists should stop reading Thucydides, Welch, D, round of Internatio nal Studies, 29, 3, 2003.www.commondreams.org/headlines03/0525-09.htmhttp//news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/6063926.stmPaul Viotti and Mark Kauppi as cited in Bagby, L, The Use and Abuse of Thucydides, International Organization, 48, 1, Winter, rascal 131Lebow, R, Hegemonic Rivalry, R N Lebow, B Strauss (eds), Boulder, CO Westview Press, 1991, Page 1Brown, C, Nardin, T and Rengger N, International Relations in Political Thought texts from the ancient Greeks to the First World War, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2002, Page 36Lebow, R, Hegemonic Rivalry, R N Lebow, B Strauss (eds), Boulder, CO Westview Press, 1991, Page 135Welch, D, Why International Relations theorists should stop reading Thucydides, Review of International Studies, 29, 3, 2003, page 301Kauppi, M, Hegemonic Rivalry, R N Lebow, B Strauss (eds), Boulder, CO Westview Press, 1991, Page 103-104Gilpin, R, Hegemonic Rivalry, R N Lebow, B Strauss (eds), Boulder, CO Westview Press, 1991, Page 34-35Lebow, R, Hegemonic Riv alry, R N Lebow, B Strauss (eds), Boulder, CO Westview Press, 1991, Page 127Lebow, R, Hegemonic Rivalry, R N Lebow, B Strauss (eds), Boulder, CO Westview Press, 1991, Page 142Gilpin, R, Hegemonic Rivalry, R N Lebow, B Strauss (eds), Boulder, CO Westview Press, 1991, Page 47-48Lebow, R, Hegemonic Rivalry, R N Lebow, B Strauss (eds), Boulder, CO Westview Press, 1991, Page 128As cited by Welch, Welch, D, Why International Relations theorists should stop reading Thucydides, Review of International Studies, 29, 3, 2003, Page 304Brown, C, Nardin, T and Rengger N, International Relations in Political Thought texts from the ancient Greeks to the First World War, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2002, Page 57IbidWelch, D, Why International Relations theorists should stop reading Thucydides, Review of International Studies, 29, 3, 2003, Page 76http//news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/6063926.stmBrown, C, Nardin, T and Rengger N, International Relations in Political Thought texts from the anci ent Greeks to the First World War, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2002, Page 52Welch, D, Why International Relations theorists should stop reading Thucydides, Review of International Studies, 29, 3, 2003, Page 75Brown, C, Nardin, T and Rengger N, International Relations in Political Thought texts from the ancient Greeks to the First World War, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2002, Page 58www.commondreams.org/headlines03/0525-09.htmWelch, D, Why International Relations theorists should stop reading Thucydides, Review of International Studies, 29, 3, 2003, Page 75IbidBagby, L, The Use and Abuse of Thucydides, International Organization, 48, 1, Winter, Page 138Doyle, M, Ways of War and Peace, New York, Norton, 1997, Page 150-152Keohane as cited in Bagby, L, The Use and Abuse of Thucydides, International Organization, 48, 1, Winter, Page 132